Publisher; Mariner Books; July 9, 2003
Author; Arthur M. Schlesinger
Language; English
ISBN - 10; 0618340858
ISBN - 13; 978 - 0618340859
Product Dimensions; 8.1 by 5.5 by 1.4 inches.
Paper Back papers; 578
Review by Iroabuchi Onwuka
Introduction
This book is mostly about the Era of Depression and the impact of market in a big world, rather than the political History of the United States in the depression era. The history version of the book had been the central emphasis of many review, it is only natural since looks at such a big book seem to indicate chronology of historical events. Its central theme is perhaps more seductive, and explains away the very necessity of reflecting such decisive era in terms of its market. Historically speaking, there are few books that can challenge the clarity of the political history of the United States from 1919 - 1933, fewer that provide the accurate reason for such period. The book was the beginning of the four part series of the age of Roosevelt which demonstrates the left and right of the man Roosevelt in those apocalyptic years in America.
The Body
The author of this book, Arthur Schlesinger, intend to write a book of the political history of the United States in Depression Era, the author seem to provide a political explicating of matters arisen from American political choices at the turn of the century and how those political and economic choices of that era gave wings to the political motivations of Frank Delano Roosevelt; Chief architect of the New Deal. But then the world was young in 19th century, and after many decades in isolation, America and her society aged the more. This view of America at that period has been recycled many times, such that people who now read this book can see the concave lense of the issues highlighted, that the book speak more of the consequence of international market than the rise of FDR. Anyone seeking to compare the world American depression in 1929 and 2008-9, will need to read the entire four volume but here we begin with the first of those four, a book that won the Parkman prize among others.
The 'cultivated dominion' of FDR; Franklin Delano Roosevelt, cannot be fully grasped except in the context of the conditions of the world in which he lived. That world no more depressive than a world which at once started as a liberal society at the beginning of the 19th century, had started to indicate signs of decay. Schlesinger, Jr. painted the portrait of F.D.R, on the background of this decaying society which enjoyed a promise of success at the opening level and which dived suddenly into a dark disaffecting world, where the initial order began to collapse. The psychology of (FDR) the man in question was a form of life which evolved so to speak like clay from a potter's wheel, first broken by an affliction of Polio, a loss of limb, then fashioned in New York as a Governor, and finally hardened by the crisis of that order leading to the New Deal. The book goes to show how the policies of Woodrow Wilson and Calvin Coolidge proved catastrophic.
Schlesinger seem to write about themes in American history and in this book, he entertains us to the life of certain individuals who made the greatest difference from 1919 - 1933. That he reviewed the life of great minds at that era in his book, would mean that he, Schlesinger, was not only writing a political history rather he was indicating that the political history of United States can be seen through these giants and how they fared. Schlesinger seem to eagerly indicate that emenient lives seem to converge in FDR. These greats include 'Rexford Tugwell' who became popular with his 'industrial discipline and government arts' where he effectively argued for government intervention in industrial society. Then there is Adolf Berle, Frances Perkins and Felix Frankfurter. These three may someday be overlooked but they represent all the might of political economics. And for this group, it is possible to challenge the very premise of the book as a political history, especially for Frankfurter, who was a decisive influence on FDR transitional years as a personal adviser and eventually the Supreme Court Judge.
In Contrast, the above list did not include Louis Brandeis neither did Schlesinger, Jr. include his role in this book, but the evolution of Roosevelt which is commensurate to the political conditions in America leading to the depression, owe a great deal to Brandeis and, his contribution to 'Rights to Privacy' as credited by Roscoe. This improper exclusion of Brandeis' role, bring out the hidden view of Schlesinger, that he intended the book to serve a propaganda for his own philosophy, as if the whole society has prepared a hero who emerged from the ashes of the crisis to rule America. This is clear by Brandeis, whose book 'other people's money' entirely dedicated itself to the control of Banks and Banking activity. Brandeis was opposed to 'mass production' and consumption which he believed 'eroded' American values. Why this is not far from Roosevelt we shall encounter that the problem of 1929 depression was not so much a problem of American value as it was the collapse of value in the world market. In essence, the man Roosevelt did not evolve out of the circumstances of the era, rather FDR was an uncommon politician who adjusted his goal to the progress of his society and emerged to claim the voice of the New Deal.
If Brandeis was right or wrong, it matters here a little since the next man William T. Foster simply brought down the house with his new view on the American depression, a radical position that was all about spending. Clearly, this is a significant departure from Brandeis since Schlesinger, Jr. treated Foster, in a very interesting light. Schlesinger treated William Foster in his book to the most disputable degree that he, Foster, preceded Maynard Keynes as the parrot for more government spending in times of depression. Naturally such spending will expand the corridors of inflation and surplus, and that foresight inhibited people from forcing the hands of the Government. Providing taxes was a cure for this dilenma. Foster insisted that taxing the excesses of wealth was not 'soaking' the rich but saving the rich. As such providing government incentives for very same 'mass consumption' at a low price was intended to help the masses and it entails spending, it entails a new form of policy. What Foster and eventually Keynes were saying was that all economic policies and all economic conditions evident in any society is dependent and can be manipulated. Here stood FDR at last which of course was not were he started but Arthur Schlesinger choose to isolate this fact.
In William T. Foster we learn that it was possible to save anything worth saving in America, which was a later position of FDR. In William T. Foster we learn of taxing the surpluses and the rich, that "we should take from then a sufficient amount of their surplus to enable consumer to consumer and business to operate at a operate at a profit...." Going entirely from the book and by the author Schlesinger, we can suggest that the era of 1919 - 1933 gave rise of new forms of thinking, and noise from the forementioned group and philosophers, began to yield the idea of "compulsory unemployment and health insurance, the guarantee of bank deposits and rigorous regulation of the security exchanges and stock issues". William T. Foster also said that "we can restore consumer purchasing power by collective action, and no other way. Collective action means, necessarily, action by the Federal government....then the repayment of indebtedness becomes a simple matter."
From these vocal tigers, the book tended to suggest that it became increasingly clear to all Americans in 1929, that emotional emphases on the 'past' exaggerated doubt, and fear offered no lessons for a 'free society'. The cast between the past and the present was gradually political and from then on America looked for a leader and it was FDR who epitomized that new age of confidence. This was the theme of his message in his inaugural speech about fear and 'fear itself'. Here at last, America was making his voice heard to all the Worlds that it was ready to rule.
Conclusion
1912
The policy of 'imperial diplomacy' of late 19th century began to give way to colonialism in 1919. The New empires of Europe and of England had started to overtake new frontiers and scramble. The largely free trade of Atlantic, India Ocean and Arctic which had remained neutral for many years began to follow the antics of restriction, raising the banner of a world order. Things began to fall apart after the first world, collapsing into a world of imperialism.
America once isolated for many decades self contained in its liberty began to feel its weight around the world. It is in that era that Woodrow Wilson became president of United States. He was willing to "pronounce an obituary to liberal society". According Shlesinger. Jr, Woodrow Wilson view changed from minimum government involvement in 1912 to 'activitism' 1916. From the more positive direct control of the government, America gradually began to expand outside its frontiers. The policy of this period of the American rise of domination reached its highest point in the presidency of Calvin Coolidge. Even though Calvin Coolidge lost his last election to the leading man Roosevelt, he is to be credited with America expansionary industrial view.
This expansionary view was duely scripted for big conglomorates and franchises, they squeezed the little small businesses out of shape. That is "more overt forms of concentration thrived equally. Holding companies moved into the utility and transportation fields, chain stores into retail distribution is all areas big firms swallowed small firms and merged with other big ones. By 1930 the two hundred largest non banking corporations, after growing during the decade at a rate two to three times as far as the smaller non banking corporations, controlled about half the total corporation wealth of the country." Simply put, there were few companies operating and there was the problem of rigidity. In other words, growth of small which is the engine of economic growth was stalled.
p.67 "they left percentage rise of wages lag behind the rise of output and profit....The result was to inflate the value of the securities out of proportion to the value of plant." Then, the "consequent burden of overcapitalization, passed along to the operating companies, was eventually dsicharged unto the consumers through high rates." Simply put, America lived beyond its means. In otherwords, the national purchasing power of the Americans was choked and it needed the attention of the US government; her 'goodwill spending'.
The force of independent political markets around the world gave birth to supply side economics, where countries holding colonies produced their own goods at cheap price and created their own markets. Existing market values in each country especially America gradually collapsed due to the absence of a benchmark and a standard world order providing a market direction. The contrast between market efficiency and value took a whole new meaning. Government backed intervention in real estate and use of low interest rate also took root at this time, but by 1929 it was a matter too late in coming and needed a new weight, new attitude and a whole New Deal.